Facts and figures about UK taxes, benefits and public spending.
Income distribution, poverty and inequality.
Analysing government fiscal forecasts and tax and spending.
Analysis of the fiscal choices an independent Scotland would face.
Case studies that give a flavour of the areas where IFS research has an impact on society.
Reforming the tax system for the 21st century.
A peer-reviewed quarterly journal publishing articles by academics and practitioners.
|
Type: Observations Authors: Mike Brewer
Abolishing child poverty by 2020 has been one of this Government's defining policy goals for almost a decade. Last week ministers tried to make it a little easier, suggesting that it would be enough to cut the proportion of children in poverty on the most familiar definition to 10% rather than the 5% they have so far aspired to. Claiming to have abolished child poverty with 1 in 10 children still below the poverty line is not as daft as it sounds. Numerous studies have shown that many households with very low incomes enjoy high living standards, suggesting their incomes are mis-measured or that they are poor only temporarily. Historically, child poverty in Britain has never fallen as low as 10% since the consistent series began in 1961, so hitting the new target would hardly be a cinch. In addition to loosening the relative income target, the Government has suggested looking at two other measures too. It will aim to remove all children from material deprivation and persistent poverty. These are sensible complementary measures, although the precise definitions have yet to be set. It is noteworthy that the Government still wants to equate poverty firmly with low household income, rather than a wider range of circumstances. Although this may fit with most people's understanding of poverty, it risks skewing the policy response towards redistribution through cash payments, rather than - for example - better public services to improve children's lives. Cynics may suggest that the focus on child poverty in 2020 is to deflect attention from the Government's existing target to halve child poverty from its 1998 level by 2010. Despite considerable extra spending on families with children in the past two Budgets, we estimated last summer that the Government would miss this target, just as it missed its earlier target one for 2004. New data on household incomes, and the dramatic change in the economic climate over the past year, have led us to update that forecast and our estimates of how much it would cost to meet the 2010 and 2020 targets. This work, funded by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, was published and presented at an IFS briefing on 18th February 2009.
Search |
View all Observations in the series
Recent Observations
Cutting the deficit: three years down, five to go?
The UK is in the fourth year of a planned eight-year fiscal tightening. Following further announcements made in Budget 2013, this fiscal consolidation is now forecast to total £143 billion by 2017–18. The UK is intending the fourth largest fiscal consolidation among the 29 advanced economies for which comparable data are available. By the end of this financial year, half of the total consolidation is expected to have been implemented. However, within this tax increases and cuts to investment spending have been relatively front-loaded, while cuts to welfare spending and other non-investment spending have been relatively back-loaded.
Deficit unchanged
The March Budget forecast that borrowing would fall by £0.1 billion from £121.0 billion in 2011–12 to £120.9 billion in 2012–13. On Tuesday, the Office for National Statistics is due to release its first estimate of public sector net borrowing in March 2013 and, therefore, for the whole of 2012–13. Borrowing could easily end up being higher or lower than it was in the previous year, either due to backwards revisions, the uncertainty inherent in forecasting borrowing even a month in advance, or both. However, whether borrowing is slightly up or down in cash terms is economically irrelevant. Either way, the bigger picture is that having fallen by roughly a quarter between 2009–10 and 2011–12, borrowing is forecast to be broadly constant through to 2013–14.
Women working in their sixties: why have employment rates been rising?
Employment rates through the recession have been remarkably robust, with today’s ONS figures showing employment remaining close to 30 million. The young have experienced historically low employment rates and high unemployment rates but the employment rate of women aged 60 to 64 has increased as fast since 2010 as it did during the 2000s. An important explanation is the gradual increase in the state pension age for women since 2010, which has led to more older women being in paid work. Without this policy change, the employment rate for 60 to 64 year women would have been broadly flat since 2010.
|


